German YouTuber shakes up mainstream politics with viral video

A YouTube video calling out the German government for “gross incompetence” has gone viral – and provoked angry responses from leading politicians.

German YouTuber shakes up mainstream politics with viral video
YouTuber Rezo. Photo: DPA

Influencer Rezo posted a 55-minute video on social network YouTube criticizing Chancellor Angela Merkel’s centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU).

In his “destruction of the CDU” video, Rezo slammed the party for failing to take enough action on climate change, and called them out on a series of other topics including security, drug policies and intellectual property rights.

On Thursday morning, the video had racked up close to five million views, signalling the power of influencers who collect followers and publish videos to them online.

Compared to the reach of Rezo's video, a recent televised debate between the leading election candidate of the centre-right EPP bloc Manfred Weber and his Socialist challenger Frans Timmermans drew 1.68 million viewers in Germany, reported AFP. 

But Rezo, who usually posts about music, has been accused by some politicians of publishing false information.

SEE ALSO: The ultimate guide to Germany's top Euro election candidates

'Destroying our lives'

In the clip, the Youtuber, who said he and his colleagues had spent weeks meticulously researching the CDU and its Bavarian sister party the Christian Social Union (CSU), said the government, which includes the centre-left Social Democrats, was “destroying our lives and our future”.

The video, which was posted on May 18, a week before the European elections take place in Germany, included statistics on the various topics to illustrate his points.

 “Go to vote … Otherwise the pensioners will decide your future, and that won't be cool,” said Rezo.

In a message to the the coalition, Rezo said: “You say that young people should be political, then you have to handle it when they think your politics are shit.”

But he has been accused of spreading false information.

Merkel’s successor as head of the CDU, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer said: “I asked myself why we weren't for that matter responsible for the seven plagues in ancient Egypt,” indicating that she thought the CDU were being blamed for everything.

SEE ALSO: Merkel opens up in interview with German Youtubers

“He is using his right to freedom of expression,” said CDU General Secretary Paul Ziemiak, who accused Rezo of making false claims in public about the party. “But that isn't journalism.”

Ziemiak said that Rezo made it appear that that only his opinion was correct. He said there were “already more than enough “populism and insults” on social networks and in politics.

Rezo did not respond directly to Ziemiak's comments but told the DPA that criticism from other CDU politicians is “nothing surprising”.

The YouTuber said he has also received death threats against him and his family following the video publication. However he added: “These aren't my first death threats and probably won't be the last.”

But not all CDU politicians have taken such a critical view of the video.

Thomas Jarzombek, member of the Bundestag posted on Twitter: “The debate about the #rezo video shows that we in the @CDU have talked too much about refugees and too little about climate protection in recent years.

Rezo was also backed by Green MP Sven Kindler, who said that the YouTuber may go a little too far sometimes, “but in many respects he hits the nail on the head”.

Meanwhile, rumours spread on Wednesday that a counter video from the CDU's Phlipp Amthor would be released but nothing has surfaced yet.

'I want to enlighten people'

Rezo’s previously published videos are mainly about music and rarely about politics. He told DPA: “Besides planning, shooting and post-producing such web video content, I am primarily active as a computer scientist and musician.”

In an interview with news site Bento, Rezo, who is based in Aachen, North Rhine-Westphalia, said his aim was to “enlighten” people “and make sure that more people discuss the issues raised”.

“With the election coming up, more people are interested in politics, so the time has come. But I can already say that my expectations have been exceeded,” he added.

Rezo also revealed that YouTube analytics showed that half of his viewers are between 18 and 24-years-old, only 11 percent are children “and the rest are older than 24”.

When asked if he planned on making more political videos, he said: “At some point I'm sure. I already have ideas.”

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Why the Greens are the real winners of Germany’s state elections

German state elections don't tell us everything about the public mood, but the past few votes have revealed some pretty clear winners and losers. While support for the SPD is flagging, the Greens are growing in stature by the day, writes Brian Melican.

Why the Greens are the real winners of Germany's state elections

It’s one of the peculiarities of Germany’s federal system that we’re almost never more than six months away from an election being held somewhere. Alongside the national elections (Bundestagswahl) usually every four years, each of the 16 states also hold ballots (Landtagswahl) on varying cycles; then there are local and mayoral elections, too. As such, rolling campaigning and more-or-less continuous election analysis are a part of life here: “What does Election X say about Government Y?” is a question you will always hear being asked somewhere.

Nevertheless, regional elections have a habit of clustering – and generally come at points when national governments would rather not have people poring over electoral data. And this year, after barely six months in office, Olaf Scholz’ novel tri-partite traffic-light coalition has already been faced with three regional elections – in Saarland (27th March), last week in Schleswig-Holstein (8th May), and yesterday in North-Rhine Westphalia (15th May). On a regional level, the popularity of the Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and Free Democrats (FDP) has already been thoroughly tested. 

Understanding state elections

The key thing to remember about German regional elections are that they both are and aren’t about national politics. Firstly, here’s how they aren’t. At a basic level, these regional elections are simply about voters choosing a government to deal with state-level remits (mainly health, education, and housing). They will vote first and foremost on these issues.

Personality politics are also important: long-serving German state premiers frequently garner the unofficial honorific Landesvater or Landesmutter –  literally: ‘father/mother of the state’ – and benefit from high personal approval ratings, allowing them to withstand changes in mood at national level. So it is by no means infrequent for voters to return completely different parties in regional than at national elections. By way of example, while Olaf Scholz, SPD, remained a popular Landesvater figure in Hamburg, Merkel’s CDU still won more Hamburg votes at national elections.

READ ALSO: EXPLAINED: Why Sunday’s state parliament vote in NRW is important for German politics

Then again, regional elections also are about national politics. That’s because they never take place in a vacuum (except for in Bavaria, of course, where everyone always votes CSU). Even the most beloved of state premiers faces an uphill struggle if their party is currently making a hash of things in Berlin. What is more, the larger and the more representative the Bundesland, the more results of its elections can show swings in voter mood which may be of national relevance.

The Greens’ slow ascent from their mid-2000s funk to their current swagger began in Baden-Württemberg: winning control of this state populated by 11 million people and many of Germany’s top industrialists showed that voters trusted them to be part of a government. That set the ball rolling and by the time of last year’s national election, the Greens were already in power in half of federal states. Incidentally, it is often overlooked that state governments make up the Bundesrat, the second chamber of parliament, which can accept or refuse laws made by the Bundestag. So shifts in power here can be of national relevance.

This dichotomy has the predictable effect that, in the aftermath of every Landtagswahl, the losing parties usually claim that it was simply a regional ballot with nothing to say about national politics while the winning parties play up the significance at federal level.

Olaf Scholz and Thomas Kutschaty

Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) congratulates Thomas Kutschaty, SPD candidate in North Rhine-Westphalia, after the party wins 26.7 percent of the vote. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Kay Nietfeld

An SPD disaster 

This is why it is very bad news for Olaf Scholz and the SPD that their only victory in spring 2022’s three Landtagswahlen was in dinky little Saarland, a state whose population is smaller than that of a major city like Cologne and whose local politics are so marked by rivalries and infighting as to have little-to-no relevance nationally. Despite winning an absolute majority in the regional parliament at Saarbrücken (a rare feat in proportional representation), there was no way the SPD could claim a national bearing – and, to its credit, didn’t try to do so either.

In Schleswig-Holstein, the SPD wasn’t expected to unseat the CDU’s Daniel Günther, a likeable and well-liked premier coming to the end of five years at the helm of a surprisingly successful Jamaica coalition with the Greens and the FDP. Here, too, the national relevance was relatively low: Schleswig-Holstein has only 3 million inhabitants and few large towns and cities. Nevertheless, losing over half its seats while the Greens and CDU gained by the same amount was not a good result for the SPD.

What was disastrous, however, was last night’s result in North-Rhine Westphalia. With a population the size of the neighbouring Netherlands (17 million) and everything from Germany’s largest urban conurbation down to isolated mountain regions, NRW is often considered a microcosm of the country as a whole. As something of a swing state, parties which succeed here often go on to win the next national election (if they aren’t already in government).


What is more, unlike in Schleswig-Holstein, NRW was the SDP’s to win. Until last year, its premier was the luckless Armin Laschet (remember him?), who plumbed popularity depths in his failed bid to become Chancellor. He then left a badly-damaged CDU-FDP administration to Hendrik Wüst, a successor whose profile, if he had one at all, was defined by various low-level corruption scandals (including a regrettable incident where he sold slots with the then-NRW premier, Jürgen Rüttgers, to high-paying commercial lobbyists…).

Hendrik Wüst (CDU)

Re-elected NRW state premier Hendrik Wüst (CDU) celebrates his victory. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Rolf Vennenbernd

Even if Wüst proved to be an unexpectedly good campaigner and the SPD’s Thomas Kutschaty remained oddly faceless, the fact that Olaf Scholz himself got involved and that the SPD still ended up with its worst showing in NRW ever is nothing less than a serious defeat for both the Chancellor and his party – one which, in my view, underlines how Scholz has not yet lived up to expectations.

Nevertheless, he is in luck. Firstly, the electoral cycle means that this upset is occurring at the beginning of his term; there will be time to recover. Secondly, although Wüst gets first crack at forming a government, the Greens are his only real potential partner – and will take a lot of courting. NRW Greens are on the more left-wing end of the spectrum and will play the field, potentially trying to usher in a mini traffic-light coalition in Düsseldorf if it looks feasible later.

READ ALSO: OPINION: Scholz is already out of step with Germany – it’s time for a change of course

Growing support for Greens

So after the post-Merkel rout, the CDU has scored an important and much-needed victory, but harnessing it to get momentum nationally may yet prove difficult. Indeed, it’s the Greens who have come out of the last two weekends with a new swing in their step. Following a disappointing national election last year, they have once again hit their stride, due in no small part to the Ukraine reminding voters of why renewable energy is important on the one hand and the impressive figures cut by Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock in government on the other.

For the FDP, things are not looking so good. Despite negotiating a disproportionately high amount of their manifesto into last year’s agreement, they are suffering the fate of many a junior coalition partner: a lack of profile. On strictly regional terms, they lost votes to the popular Daniel Günther in Schleswig-Holstein (perhaps unavoidably, despite a good record as part of his coalition) and to the not-yet-popular Hendrik Wüst (following lacklustre performance in government in Düsseldorf).

Greens party posters NRW

Posters featuring Greens candidate Mona Neubaur highlight the link between fossil fuels and Russia’s authoritarian leadership. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Roberto Pfeil

Worryingly for Christian Lindner, however, this may be harbinger of history repeating itself. Essentially, FDP voters tend to get enthusiastic for a business-friendly go-getter type who promises to lower taxes and slash regulation, only to later turn their back on him when, once part of a coalition government, he proves unable to deliver the small-state free-for-all promised. That’s what happened to Guido Westerwelle in the 2009-2013 administration, in any case.

There is, however, one bit of unadulterated good news for all parties and indeed our country as a whole: the AfD lost vote share everywhere. The populist outfit didn’t even make it into parliament in Schleswig-Holstein and only just scraped in in NRW. It would seem that, in times of crisis, voters don’t want to add to the list of potential disasters by putting populists anywhere near power. This is a hypothesis we’ll be able to test in just under six months’ time, by the way, when Lower-Saxony goes to the polls on 9th October.